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That is a small strut of the human shows of New Australia sectors. Helena Goudie, the doors bathing over there, says that is horrible. Someone who unknowingly condoms capture colours will be much more complicated to gang violence across the relationship, not just in this one night.

In fact, all it will do is drive the whole gang activity underground. It will create ugy for gangs as they look for other ways of identifying themselves, of recruiting, and of going about their activities, which we in this House all abhor. We do not want them to continue, but this bill will actually make wanfanui situation wanganiu worse. I huy that a number of my colleagues have already addressed the issue, but I am particularly worried about the aspect that Mr Borrows himself addressed, and which Metiria Turei and Moana Mackey have spoken about: Another way that they will find—and they already do this—is to just use a colour.

They do it now; they do it already. That is what they do already. So I say to Mr Borrows that I am sorry, but incidences like the example he gave about the young man being murdered because he was wearing the wrong colour in the wrong place at the wrong time, and because there was gang activity going on around cor, are actually likely to increase under wangxnui bill. The gangs will not just go away. They will not just stop their activity because of this bill. Because of the way that they operate, they will need to find a way to indicate who they are and where they stand, and to continue their activity. They will do that— Sandra Goudie: Well, Sandra Goudie thinks that the gangs will go away.

She believes that this will somehow stop gang activity. It is a nice thought—it is a really nice thought—but it is completely naive, I am afraid. Gangs will wear colours, and the wearing of a red hoodie—or a blue hoodie, or any piece of clothing; it need not be a particular style of clothing—will take on even more significance if this bill is passed than what it already has. The colour will be what identifies that the gang is present and its activities are continuing. Well, I actually have read the bill.

Mrs Goudie might be interested to know that from time to time I sat on the Law and Order Committee while the submissions were being heard on this bill. I saw and heard a number of people who were very involved in the issue of gangs, not because they were gang members themselves but because they were involved in policing gangs and trying to mitigate the effects of gangs on the community. Invariably they came forward to say that this is a nice idea, but it will just not work. It is not that simple, and, in fact, it might inadvertently drive up the wrong kinds of behaviours.

The intent of this bill is correct, but I am afraid that the purpose is not. I will read the purpose out. Sandra Goudie seems to want it read out to her. It is very simple; it is one sentence, not like a bedtime story: I do not have too much time for the Mayor of Wanganui, but I do have a lot of time for people who try to put things right in their own communities. When we talk about insignia we are talking about images. We are talking about images that intimidate people and that over a period of time have grown to be an image of intimidation. They are not only images of ownership—they mean a lot to the Mongrel Mob and to Black Power and any other gangs—they also have a meaning of intimidation to the general public.

That is what this bill tries to do.

Starfish, I actually have much the bill. They will do that— Katy Goudie:.

I think that to say it is racist because other gangs may not be captured by this bill is gu wee bit wrong. Before we get too hung up about Black Power and the Mongrel Mob, I make a humble plea to my cousins wanfanui my whanaunga—who undoubtedly are members of both the Mongrel Mob and Black Power—that huy is time to give it up. This bill will not make them give it Lookiing. A bill outlawing anti-Semitism wno not make people give it up. I remember when the storm troopers were alive and well in Woh Auckland, where I grew up.

He habe not understand it. My plea is that this is guyy a little step, this is just a step by the fuy of Wanganui to say that it has had enough of being scared in its main street wajts it has had enough of being intimidated. That is my plea. It might be a humble plea and it might fall on deaf ears, but the fact remains that if people do not try, then we will not get anywhere. That is all this bill does: I thank the jn from across the floor for the impassioned speech. I have to first start by drawing out the commonality that existed there.

Of course members on the Opposition wannts of the Chamber wish to see an end to gangs in havs communities; there is no dispute there. Of course we wish to see an end to the intimidation that comes with gang membership in our community. I find LLooking quite insulting when members on the other side of the Chamber try to create a division between members by claiming that we on this side do not know about the wantz that gangs have. I find that insulting. I think wanganyi is awareness across all parts of this Chamber of the issues that gangs bring fkn our community. The sticking point is what will work, and that is the bit I want to dwell on.

But first, cor I go sho to that, I say to members that the member who represents ACT rose to Lookint feet earlier and gave quite a wwnganui speech against the bill. He obviously has quite gu feelings—and I respect that, aa because they are in line with my fhn on the bill. But still, Mr Garrett has clarified for us that ACT will, in fact, be voting in favour of this bill, and he has done so already. The evidence for that is the 5-minute speech that Mr Garrett has already given. We have already spoken of the symbolic nature of this bill, and some further evidence of that is the fact that this bill has not been adopted as a Government bill.

If it was as sound as members across the other side of the Chamber claim it is, why is it not a Government bill? If, in fact, we are going to see this measure brought in in a piecemeal way, I look forward to seeing the member from Coromandel introduce a bill like this one for her region. I look forward, also, to seeing the member from Tauranga introduce a similar local bill. In fact, I am very happy to speak to the local councils in those areas to see whether they would support those members in such moves. There has been a lot of crowing from the other side of the Chamber, calling for us to read out the purpose of the bill.

I am very happy to do that now—as Ms Goudie has pleaded with us to do. The purpose as stated in the bill is: What is he trying to achieve? He is trying to change the impact that gangs have in his community. And what is that impact? What does that intimidation come via? It is via crime, violence, and all of the things that stem from them in a community. So there is an underlying reason beyond just the simple purpose of the bill, and that is what we are attempting to achieve through that purpose. But the patch alone actually bears no relationship to intimidation and crime; those are what a gang member does.

A Brownie does not create fear in a community; what she wears does not create fear. If someone is wearing a gang patch, it signifies to the people in the community that that person is involved with other things: This bill does nothing to change the gang activity that creates the intimidation. We know it is the intimidation that Mr Borrows is trying to change; we have to acknowledge that. A gang patch is not the only signifier that someone belongs to a gang. We have already heard a discussion around colours. Colours are a major signifier that someone is a member of a gang. It is blue and it is red. I would like to ask Mr Borrows whether a secondary impact of this bill will be that colours will be banned.

I anticipate that he will stand up and say that that is not what he intends. What will stop gangs from simply reverting to colours that also hold representation? Just to make the point again, I say that if Ms Goudie was walking down the street in Coromandel, I doubt whether she would be intimidated by any one person wearing a shade of blue in the street. Yet that is one of the colours that some gangs choose to wear. So what, again, is it that people would be intimidated by if someone happened to be wearing blue or—make a leap—a gang patch? It is more than the patch that is the problem, and that is what members on this side of the Chamber have been talking about.

What are we doing to tackle the underlying issues that cause people to fear gangs? This bill does not address that, and that is what members on this side of the Chamber are calling for. We have also talked a little bit about the impact of tattoos and the fact that there has been some debate about the possible inclusion of tattoos in the bill. I respect the point that was made both by the member from Tauranga and also by Mr Borrows that a person who has tattoos—perhaps through previous membership of a gang—but then chooses not to affiliate with that gang deserves to have the right to move on, and therefore tattoos should not be included.

That again highlights a fact: What we should be targeting is the lifestyle that comes with gang membership. I can see Ms Goudie is very confused by the depth of the argument that I am presenting. She does not quite understand where I am going with this, because it is not symbolic and simple. It is not simple, because we recognise that tackling gangs, tackling crime, and tackling the crime that gangs perpetrate are not simple things to deal with. Get with the programme! I know it is complex. I ask Ms Goudie to stay with me; she might actually learn something. We also need to ask whether, if we are not to include tattoos in this bill, that does, in fact, encourage tattoos being used as a means of substitution for patches.

aanganui If I am no longer allowed to wear a patch whk I am in certain parts of Wanganui—we are Looling sure which parts they are; not all parts, I imagine, but probably just the affluent parts—and I am not allowed to wear a T-shirt or a jacket on my back, do I tattoo wahganui instead? Wanganii that considered wwho be acceptable within the provisions of the bill? I find it hard to draw that distinction. I think this highlights how difficult the workability of this bill will be. Mr Borrows has also pointed out there has been a recent crime wanagnui in his own community, when an individual was attacked for wearing a colour in and around a gang area. Again, we have touched on the issue of reverting to colours.

This bill will encourage more incidents like that, because soon gangs will not look for patches. They will look for the colours that represent patches, which will put members of the community at greater risk and make them more vulnerable if they simply walk around in a colour that could be identified with any number of these gangs. We have to be honest about that. In fact, I have seen some uncertainty from across the Chamber about this bill. That is not about its intentions. Again, I must highlight to Mr Borrows that we support the intention of this bill. We support the fact that Wanganui is trying to tackle the issue, but we believe that we have to go to the heart of the issue and that this bill does not do that.

In fact, some National members have raised that. Richard Worth, insaid that efforts to ban gang patches, although well intentioned, may in fact— Sitting suspended from 6 p. We are debating clause 3, the purpose clause. I raise two issues in connection with the purpose clause. The first is around the comments made by Chester Borrows about the intent and purpose behind the bill.

He said that the bill was about addressing the intimidation that people in Wanganui were wangnaui. Although I can certainly understand and sympathise with that point of view, the problem is that the intimidation gyu not go away when the patch goes away. In the end, this bill is, as stated in the purpose clause, about prohibiting the display of gang insignia in specified places Lookung the district. If this bill is simply about prohibiting the display of gang insignia, it will not achieve the intent that Mr Borrows mentioned. Intimidation comes from the people who are wearing the patches and the actions they undertake.

Once again, we see that the purpose of this bill is, unfortunately, cosmetic. It is about the clothes that people wear, wyo the actions they take. I spoke earlier vor the debate and quoted from a very interesting and very good speech made by the Hon Rodney Hide in the first reading. When they were liberal. They were the liberal party! That is right—when they were the liberal and principled liberal party. Mr Garrett spoke ghy in the debate, and he appeared to say that the bill was bad. He identified a number of areas on which he agreed with speakers from the Labour Party, but he confirmed for us later that ACT members will be supporting the bill, which is an extraordinary situation and, clearly, quite different from where they were.

I return to the question of the purpose of the bill and the notion of addressing intimidation. In a sense, not only does this bill fail that intent—in terms of not actually addressing intimidation, because it does not and cannot address the actual behaviour and attitudes—but it also simply shifts that intimidation around the district. As the purpose clause states, this bill is about prohibiting the display of gang insignia in specified places in the district. This bill will enable the Wanganui District Council to specify those places by by-law. We know that the places specified will be central city areas.

The council will certainly look at those areas, and possibly one or two other areas. The specified places will not be in suburbs like Castlecliff, where there is a lot of gang tension. In effect, the origins of the intimidation will not be addressed by this bill. The purpose clause is not only about specified places but about specified places in the Wanganui District. That is one of the great limitations of this bill. All it does is move the problem around rather than try to address the underlying causes behind it. The overall intent of Mr Borrows in bringing this bill to the House is one we can all understand.

We know that he did it on behalf of the Wanganui District Council, and that the people of Wanganui were interested. Obviously, Labour voted for the bill to go the Law and Order Committee for the very reason that the people of Wanganui deserve to have their concerns heard. But now that the bill has reappeared before us, the Labour Party is not able to support it because its intent and purpose will not be met. The bill is flawed and unfortunately offers false hope to the people of Wanganui—false hope that, somehow or other, this legislation will start to limit some of their problems. The difficulty with this example is that we only provided the location where the bombers and the target collided.

That was unlike the incident on March 27,when a suitcase bomb murdered Ernie Abbot, the cleaner of the Trades Hall in Wellington. However, again the equation is incomplete as we still do not know who carried out this lethal bombing.

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Wabts is unlike the bombing of a rail bridge near Huntly during the waterfront dispute. Here, the anger was between militant unionists and a government fearing 'Reds Under the Bed', which passed some of the most forthright anti-labour legislation ever seen run New Zealand. The best part of the Huntly bombing was that no-one was killed, as the train driver was warned in advance so as to avoid unnecessary death. July 14 would have to be the choice w we were looking for the date when New Zealand made its most significant contribution to the practice of terrorism on the global stage, providing the world's first suicide bomber in Today, when suicide bombers have recently been exploding wangaanui a rate of one per day, it is striking to ti that the first was Joseph Sewell, a year-old farmer who strapped sticks of gelignite to himself and then detonated outside the Murchison court house.

Unlike the growing use of bombs overseas at that time by anarchists, which were thrown at others or left behind to detonate, Sewell attached the explosives to himself and then put his coat over the top. It means making sure you're on dating sites that are the right fit for you and while you're at it, turn your friends into Dating Fairy Godmothers who can fix you up. If you like the idea of finding men in real life versus online, you'll want to be in social situations where men 50 years and older congregate and you'll need to know how to get them to approach you when you're interested in them.

Here's a great tip Turn back to what you were doing then look back again and smile. You've just signalled him that you're interested. Believing you'll just know he's the right guy for you when he shows up Remember when you were a teenage girl with stars in your eyes when it came to boys? Hanging out with the guys was fun. You didn't feel the pressure you feel today to find 'the one' on your first interaction together. You spent time enjoying each other's company at school or at work and you laughed and played as you experienced the things you both loved in life. You didn't think twice about putting in the time getting to know each other before deciding Yes, I'd like to spend the rest of my life with this man.

Today getting to know men is a different story. You go on a coffee date and before the coffee is even finished, you've figured out whether or not he's right for you. You don't play and you don't just hang with guys as friends like you did when you were younger.

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