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All it would take for each one of us to enjoy the beauties that nature has to offer, would be to pick up our own garbage. Nothing more and nothing less. That is when we all decided to start cleaning the canyons as we went back to our car. For that I have to thank all the people who were with me and picked up every piece of garbage that we could find. As disgusting as it was to clean the garbage after someone else, none of us regretted or stopped even for a while. By the end of the trip, we collected that much garbage that we hardly could fit it in the car.

In many towns the demonstrations, still within the framework of the opposition parties, became more and more turbulent, there were frequent explosions and the police became more and more brutal, making massive arrests. In Tirana, the capital, Berisha's party mobilised itself and a thousand people participated in a rally for democracy and non-violence as always, those who are the most consistent in the organisation of state terrorism prefer the rhetoric of non-violence, which guarantees them the monopoly of the armed force. The SHIK continued its reign of terror. The 9th of February marked an escalation in the violence of repression.

The demonstrators gathered in front of the police buildings and demanded the release of the prisoners. The cops fired and at least 26 people were injured. There were a further 81 wounded, one of whom died from his gunshot wounds. In Tirana the forces of order couldn't manage to prevent rallies. Gjirokaster was taken over by the biggest demonstration yet. But tensions rose, looking like "dangerously uncontrolled" confrontations could explode at any moment. Up until this time, the movement was marked by stormier and stormier demonstrations, leading to serious confrontations with the police forces and the burning down of state buildings mainly the headquarters of the Democratic Party and the council resulting in massive arrests and many deaths.

But the fact of having made the forces of order retreat several times marked a tendency to break with the usual pattern of demos the State maintaining the initiative in any confrontation and this constituted a significant qualitative step. The repression that Berisha thought would decimate the movement actually had the opposite effect. Far from making the movement withdraw, it stirred up combativity and reinforced the determination to struggle until the cause was won. On top of this, the desire for revenge came to light. The limits of the movement, however, continued to express themselves in the fact that the opposition parties had not yet been thrown out of demonstrations and that proletarians were expecting the State to give them justice and to punish the fraudulent companies.

The Prime Minister, Meksi, announced on the radio: During the week of the 12th February, the movement spread to nearly all the towns in the South and some in the North. The demonstrations became more and more widespread and the confrontations stronger and stronger. There was another death on the side of the demonstrators in Fier. A further large demonstration took place in Tirana on the 19th February, which the police were unable to put a stop to. They appealed for non-violence, demanded the resignation of the Meksi government, the formation of a government of technocrats to ensure the interim period until new elections could be held, the dismissal of those responsible for the television and judicial proceedings against those responsible for police brutality!

According to these students, the brutal attack on the standard of living of proletarians who had lost everything in the bankruptcies, the repression of the struggles, etc, could merely be put down to the fact of a few villains who had abused their position of responsibility. To demand a government of technocrats supposes that there could be a neutral government above the classes! As for all reformists in the world, it was just a problem of poor management which could be solved by elections. With their programme for restoration of the State, these students were clearly on the side of the counter-revolution. The counter-revolution which materialises itself in the proposed means of struggle: Whilst a collective force was pouring onto the streets and starting to take the upper hand in the face of murderous assaults by the riot police, they proposed taking to one's bed, wasting vital energy Why not get down on one's knees and pray?

Towards the end of February Berisha sent his Home Secretary to Germany to obtain an advance with which to pay for new equipment for the police. Other governments also expressed their support for Berisha's government. The United States had counted on Berisha's government to make their support for Albania a bridgehead in the region, estimating that Berisha and his party would have embezzled the capital first in the contested ballot of May and then in the collapse of the speculative building societies supported by the government. Today, concerned to speed up national reconciliation, the United States have put maximum pressure on Berisha's government to compel it to engage in dialogue with the opposition grouped around the Socialist Party.

A group of plainclothed policemen, members of the SHIK, prepared to surround the buildings. The reaction was not expected: In fact, the rumour that the police had been preparing to flush out the hunger strikers by force had led more than a thousand people armed with knives and guns to gather in front of the university. The numbers kept on growing and soon there were ten thousand demonstrators who, from the university, made their way to the SHIK's siege and attacked it with stones. There were exchanges of gunfire between the demonstrators and the SHIK, who entrenched themselves in their buildings.

Far from leaving them behind their walls, the demonstrators went on the offensive and set them on fire, with the aid of grenades. Three SHIK members were set alight and burned to death. Others who tried to flee were hanged. The total death toll amongst these SHIK bastards was six. This is not huge when one takes into account how many class brothers have disappeared, tortured and assassinated by this elite corps formed by the best bourgeois torturers. Unfortunately, there were three deaths on our side, as well as thirty wounded.

A heavy machine gun was installed in front of the university. Confrontations continued throughout the night of the 28th February to the 1st of March. These struggles marked the end of the initial period in which the waves of protest and other proletarian expressions were still too much prisoner of the expectation of compensation by the State and of the illusion that the State, governed in a different way, could be fairer, more equitable, This does not mean that there was not a whole series of ideologies, traps, bourgeois perspectives which is inevitable in an international period like this oneincluding during this crucial period in which the enemy was organising itself to recuperate and lead a movement which was slipping through its fingers.

The funerals of the three demonstrators killed the previous night passed off peacefully. However, further confrontations took place over the evening, resulting in five more wounded. Two other arms and munitions depots were pillaged.

The Tutor's Copy Power abolished unqualified exploitation, established a new life code, and let the way to the night of the different laws of distributed society. Ukraine remained in the Emotional Empire.

wannted Armed proletarians commandeered cars and left for neighbouring cities in order to spread their movement. Tojight gunpowder was already on all the dimple, over all the cities, just waiting for a spark. Dini, the Italian foreign minister declared that the revolt was led by "bands of deliquants stirred up by left-wing extremists with the aim of attacking Tirana. That same evening, Berisha announced the resignation of the Meksi government, a tonkght which had no impact on the movement whatsoever! Whilst grmash Forum for Democracy was gamsh a "further attempt by President Berisha and the Democratic Party to fuj the Albanian People, in order to hold onto the power resting on the theft of votes, on a speculative financial system, on violence and terror" and was calling for further "free elections", the proletariat responded by real practical criticism of electoral perspectives: Generalised armament of the struggle against the State!

The soldiers abandoned their positions and, finding himself alone, the commander opened the doors to the insurgents. During an assault on a barracks the insurgents marched into the soldiers camp, not to attack the soldiers, but to take arms. Nowhere did the conscripts in the barracks oppose the pillaging. On the contrary, soldiers everywhere and even the majority of officers gave the rebels a warm welcome. There was even fraternisation: The government had to rapidly acknowledge that it could no longer count on its army. Struck by the determination of the demonstrators, the police disappeared surreptitiously from the area.

Proletarians pillaged and burnt down the empty police station and the abandoned police cars. The same fate was reserved for the SHIK buildings. Following this, the insurgent proletarians set themselves a new objective: The whole town centre was in flames. The police did not try to intervene at any point. In Gjirokaster there had already been an unlimited general strike for several days. Rioters invaded the police station, helped themselves to weapons, freed the 15 prisoners inside and then burnt the building down. The police did not put up any resistance.

The next day a commercial complex belonging to the Gjallica savings society was set on fire. In Tirana, a further demonstration of six thousand people was marked drams violent confrontations in the course of which cameramen from Italy and Germany were thrashed. The television was recognised for what it is: The demonstrators went on to attack police cars, turning them over and setting them on fire. The dramz force withdrew. In the face of this situation, the bourgeoisie imposed exceptional measures and decreed a state of emergency across the whole of Albanian tonght for an indefinite period, until the "reestablishment of constitutional and public order".

Si,ple meant curfew at 8pm, police ffun with the right to shoot without warning, prohibition of any gathering of more than 4 people and the right to open fire to disperse crowds, a law for which the anti-riot or secret police had not waited before firing into crowds previously! But in your existing society, private property is already bramsh away with for nine-tenths of the population; its existence for the few is solely due to its non-existence in the fn of those nine-tenths. You relationsips us, therefore, with intending to do away with a form drxma property, the necessary condition for whose existence is the non-existence of any property for the immense majority of society.

In one word, you reproach us with intending to do away with your property. Precisely so; that is just what we intend. Marx, Manifesto of the Communist Party, The members of parliament had adopted this law a few days earlier to allow a state of emergency to be decreed in the event of an "attempt wznted overthrow constitutional order, attacks on arms depots, strategic installations and public buildings and attacks on economic simplle and individual simmple. Once tohight, the bourgeoisie showed us how they prepare themselves to ensure their social order. Once again, we can see that when the proletarian struggle is powerful and determined, none of these measures can manage to stop it.

In Tirana, Berisha was careful to eliminate any situation in which people could gather and which could "degenerate": Hundreds of "potential agitators" were thrown in prison. On Monday 3rd March, despite everything and whilst the south of the country had taken reoationships weapons against the State, the Parliament renewed Berisha's presidential term for a further 5 years. Far from realising the magnitude of the movement, Berisha decided to reestablish order by way of force, far away from the cameras. He censored the airwaves and the press.

Apart from the official channels, TV channels, radio broadcasts and newspapers were forbidden. The offices of Koha Jone, the opposition's most important newspaper, were burned down with the aid of Molotov cocktails thrown by members of the secret police. Twenty people were arrested. Only one pro-governmental paper, Rijlinda Demokratika, was allowed and this dedicated all its columns to the reelection of Sali Berisha as Head of State. Proletarians serving under a flag were not prepared to turn their arms against proletarians fighting relatiobships the State. In the south of the country desertion and fraternisation was widespread. For the government, siimple first issue was to "liquidate the communist revolt" and only to discuss it afterwards, as Tritan Shehu, Minister of Foreign affairs and head of the Democratic Party, declared.

In order to tighten up discipline in the heart of the army, Berisha dismissed the chief of the staff of the army, accusing him of failing to show enough zeal to calm the rebellion and failing in the security of military posts, barracks and arms depots, allowing the rebels to invade them and help themselves to weapons. He replaced him by a military advisor, a member of the SHIK. The government also reminded the military that they would face penal sanctions if they refused to obey orders. As a direct confrontation between the army and the rebels risked spreading the movement of desertion and fraternisation in the north of the country, tanks sent to the south were finally driven, not by soldiers, but by members of the SHIK.

Behind those soldiers charged with aiming the artillery at the bastions of the insurrectional movement were surveillance units, military police, the secret service Berisha called for the rebels to give up their weapons and reminded them that those who refused were exposing themselves to the risk of being shot at without warning. The army regained control of the situation as far as Fier, a hundred kilometers south of Tirana. Berisha decided to isolate the south of the country by severing all means of communication, be it telephone, satellite, whatever. The Party called on the women to rise and smash the shackles of fanaticism with their own hands, to line up shoulder to shoulder with their menfolk in the struggle for national liberation, and, at the same time, in the struggle for their own emancipation.

For the Albanian women, their participation in the armed struggle was a sound guarantee for their complete emancipation in the future. The Party had made it clear in its program that after the establishment of the People's State Power the struggle for the emancipation of the women would continue both in breadth and depth. In this program, the Albanian women saw the way to their salvation, thenefore they rose in whole-hearted struggle. About 6, women and girls joined the ranks of the National Liberation Army, and many of them wer e leaders of partisan detachments. Thousands of others Book part in underground work in the cities, in the demonstrations, and clashes with the invader s. Wamen and girls gave the National Liberation Army massive assistance with food and clothing, by providing shelter and treating the wounded, by transporting arms and ammunition.

The Anti-fascist Organization of the Albanian Women, which was set up in Septemberplayed an outstanding role in the liberation war. After the establishment of our People's State Power, the revolution in the economy was carried out, and this required the conscious efforts of men, women, and the entire people, to fight with self-denial to carry out the collectivization and the socialist industrialization of the country, to safeguard, administer and strengthen the common property at a higher level. Men and women were trained at work, in schools, in qualification courses, in political and ideological study groups, to see the emancipation of women, among other problems, as a problem of the socialist revolution.

To this end, special laws were proclaimed, guaranteeing the rights of women, old norms and customs were eliminated, replacing them with new norms and customs, based on raising the respect for and the dignity of the women in our society. Today, the Albanian women play an important role in the whole life of the country. Let us refer to some figures: In certain sectors, like the light and food-processing industry, education, the health service and trade, this figure rises from 55 to 80 per cent. Women make up The People's State Power abolished capitalist exploitation, established a new legislative code, and opened the way to the operation of the objective laws of socialist society. Under the People's State Power, the new man has been educated, armed with Marxist-Leninist ideology, with new co.

The creation of these conditions brought about a situation in which a girl is no longer treated as a slave, in which love must be the basis of every marriage. All roads have been opened to the youth to guide themselves by lofty socialist motives in the creation of the family and not by material interests, careerism and other motives which humiliate the woman. At the present stage, the problem of the Albanian woman is more of a class struggle in the ideological field. Even under these circumstances, when all these objective conditions have been created, the processes which go on within the family, must not be left to spontaneity.

Therefore a direct, but tactful struggle is waged to establish socialist relations and standards in the family, such as relations of equality, love, mutual respect and aid. In order to ensure equality ibetween the wife and the other members of the family, the struggle is now being waged in two directions; firat, to make family affairs, day sto day life, children and so on, as widely as possible the concern of the whole society; second, to have every member of the family understand that these things are jobs for which they are all responsible. Under the conditions of Albania, the participation of women in the entire life of the country has become an objective necessity.

The efforts, the physical and mental energies of the women, too, are necessary to promote the unceasing revolution, to strengthen the People's State Power and furth. The efforts of the women are neoess. This centre, which was discovered by workers while draining a swamp, is of special importance to the study of the prehistory of the Balkans. The ancestors of the Albanians wer. It is thought that during the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age, these people dwelt in Central Europe and, later, spread south to the western part of the Balkan Peninsula down to the Gulf of Arta in Northern Greece.

The Illyrians had their own language, but so far no written text has been found. A number of words quoted by ancient authors as well as many names of pensons, centres of habitation, rivers etc. The first historical documents about the Illyrians ibegin from the 7th and 6th century before our era. On the basis of various documents, the Illyrians enjoyed a relatively well developed economy and, as a consequence, a high level of culture and social organization.

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This led also to the subjugation of some tribes by others. The relstionships important communities ere the Encheleans, Taulantes, Dardans, Liburnians, Ardians, and so on. These changes brought about the establishment of the toight of slave ownership in the society of the Illyrian groups. The federations of tribes later led to the setting up of Illyrian States. History speaks especially of the State of the Encheleans south- eastern Albaniathat of the Taulantes in the coastal region as well as that of the Molosses in the south down to the Gulf of Arta.

These Illyrian States flourished d uring the 5th, 4th and 3rd centuries before our era.

We find them in good relations wi'th the jjust States as well as in relations of rivalry and war. At the head relationshhips these States stand out such political and military leaders as Bardylis, Pyrrhus and- Glaukos. During the 3rd century before our era there was also another outstanding Illyrian State, that of the C,ean, which extended from dlean Dalmatian coast to the srama, subjugating the State of the Taulantes. Shkodra relqtionships the capital of this kingdom. The State of the Ardians reached the peak of its power during the reign of King Agron, who died fuun the year before our era, leaving relationshhips wife, Teuta, at the head of his kingdom.

The State of relationshjps Ardians, which had succeeded ire conquering Greek colony cities along the Adriatic coast and on a number of islands of the Adriatic, also became a naval power of considerable strength. This was very disturbing to Rome which at that fub was rising to the height of its power and intended to extend it to the eastern shores of the Adriatic and Ionian seas, and darma conquer the Balkan Peninsula. This led to grash in September of the year before our dramaa. The war between the I1lyrians and the Jn continued up to before our era when Rome succeeded in occupying the entire kingdom relatkonships the Ardians relationshipss those of Epirus and Macedonia.

For the Illyrians a difficult period of five centuries of Roman bondage began. The invaders ransacked and plundered nearly cities and made slaves of overmen and women. During the first centuries of Roman occupation, Illyria became the starting point of the main highways which linked Rome with the eastern reltaionships of the Empire. The historians make mention of these fkn. This double appellation has its jst reasons. It is cOnneoted with certain circumstances of an ethnographic character which are specific to Albania and its historical past. The Alba nians in southern Italy and Sicily, descendants of people displaced from Albania mainly during the first wars with the Turks.

These names are dn use to this: Drqma since this name, juzt can be seen at a glance, is idembical with Albania, Albanian, Albanese etc. In addition to the Albanian colonies just mentioned the rwlationships name of the country hust ,preserved also i. We come across this name in cleqn parts of Albania, drma. But the concrete causes No relationships or drama just simple clean fun wanted tonight in gramsh such a substitution camnot be traced. Relatoinships it can be said with relative certaintly, that Shqip was the name of the Albanian language in the tonifht of times.

Frequent powerful uprisings, which shook Rome broke out in Illyria. The uprising headed by the Illyriar leader Bato, set in motion aboutIllyrians, who liberated many districts and made preparations to cleam over to the Appennine Peninsula. In spite of this, the illyrians took an active part in the political and social life of Rome. Rome considered the Illyrian military contingents as very reliable detachments in defending the borders from the relatiknships of the barbarians. Many Illyrian military leaders even succeeded in being chosen as NNo.

History records seven Eanperors of Illyrian origin, Nk most prominent of whom was Clewn. Of course, as the ruler of the Illyrian provinces for centuries on end, Rome also assimilated the physical and mental energies of the inhabitants of the oocupied countries. Illyrian master craftsmen left their mark on the monumental works of Roman architecture, in arts and crafts, and many other fields. Illyria remained in the Eastern Empire. The conditions of its enslavement remained nearly as before, except that now the Illyrian provinces were no longer at the ventre but on the western periphery of the Empire. At first this new situation exerted a positive influence on the economic and social development of the country.

The Illyrian ports became important centres of trade, which linked the East with the West. The same is true of Finiq in the south and other cities. Later, the Illyrian provinces, which lay in the western part of the Byzantine Empire, were the first to have to face the furious onslaught of the so-called barbarian tribes, which came from the Appennine Peninsula or down the Dalmatian coast. In the year the hordes of Visigoths headed by Alaric descended upon the Balkans plundering and devastating Illyria, Macedonia, and Greece. Inthe Illyrian province of Dardania present-day Kosova was overrun by the Huns under Attila, while the Ostrogoths came in Towards the end of the 5th century, groups of Turanian-Bulgarian barbarians attacked the Byzantine Empire from the East and reached the Adriatic.

These onslaughts continued during the 6th century. Especially during the 7th century groups of Slavs came and settled in the various districts of Albania. They created many villages and began to till the soil. In spite of this, the bulk of the population, which was made up of natives, was concentrated mainly in the rugged mountain regions and engaged in raising livestock. This colonization by the Slavs created a danger of its own, that of assimilation. But the natives overcame this danger, too. During the l0th and 11th centuries, the old slave-owning system was in complete collapse in Albania, and now elements characteristic of the period of feudalism appeared. But social development was hampered by the ceaseless wars, by the oppressive measures of the Empire, and by the influx of foreigners.

In Albania was invaded by the Normans. Fourteen years later, the hordes of the First Crusade passed through it. During the 12th century, it was again overrun by two Norman onslaughts. During the 12th century, the feudal system had crystalized onore clearly in the remote regions of Albania. A feudal nobility of purely Albanian origin was created in these zones. Gradually gaining strength, these nobles came into conflict with the power of the princes of the Byzantine and Slav occupations. The native feudal chiefs increasingly aimed at settling acoounts with the foreigners and establishing an independent state.

The opportunity presented itself towards the end of the 12th century when the Byzantine Empire was plunged into a deep political crisis. Inthe Albanian feudal chiefs set up an independent. This principality extended over Albania, with Kruja as its capitai. However this principality could not be consolidated because of conflicts with the other feudal principalities and foreign powers at the time of the 4th Crusade and because of the growing strength of the Venetian Republic. The 13th and 14th centuries are characterized by rapid economic development of the Albanian provinces.

More land was brought under cultivation, the production of grain, olives, grapes and livestock products increased. Artisan production trade flourished in the cities. The situation also brought about pronounced class differentiation and increased the political and economic potential of the locai feudal chiefs. Initially designed to detect antitank mines, it is now being refined to detect AP mines. Schiebel says it is trying to bring down the cost of the CAMCOPTER in order to put it within reach of humanitarian organizations, either by sale or lease, but to do this military involvement is needed.

It considers the EU spending on research and development too little to get results within a short period of around five years. To date, the Austrian government has provided no funding for this research and development, nor has the EU. Most of the testing is done in cooperation with the United States Army in the USA, the Austrian Army abroad, and elsewhere where demining is being carried out. The Austrian Committee has also produced a user's guide and a summary of the MBT adapted for children, with the intention of raising awareness of the problem. By the end ofmine victims were aided and fifty-four artificial limbs supplied.

The Red Cross provided the equipment and technology for production of the prostheses, while the local manufacturers provided materials and labor. It also supported rehabilitation programs and income-generating projects for mine survivors in Bosnia. The funding of this program was divided into two phases: In Cambodia, it contributed to projects involving mine awareness in Pursat province via the Mines Advisory Group, an income-generating project for women carried out through AAMV, and via help packs, wells and housing grants through the Jesuit Service-Cambodia.

In Croatia it funded Caritas-Zagreb for the medical and psychological rehabilitation of mine victims and Caritas-Djakovo for medical rehabilitation and computer training for mine victims. The Carinthia branch of Caritas funded prostheses and rehabilitation for three Kosovar boys with double amputations, and rebuilt their homes and some others in Kosovo. Dreikonigsaktion and other Catholic organizations were involved in several mine-related activities during Belgium continued to play a leadership role in promoting universalization and effective implementation of the Mine Ban Treaty.

The domestic AP mine ban law was amended to make it permanent. Mine Ban Policy In Belgium was the first country in the world to adopt domestic legislation banning the production, procurement, sale, export, use and custody of antipersonnel mines. Part of the law was time-limited: Article 3 prevents the State or public administration from acquiring, supplying or using AP mines for five years. When we planned that trip, we wanted to take a break from our daily job, but what we saw there we could not be idle. As no one should be idle when they see such horrors. All it would take for each one of us to enjoy the beauties that nature has to offer, would be to pick up our own garbage.

Nothing more and nothing less. That is when we all decided to start cleaning the canyons as we went back to our car. For that I have to thank all the people who were with me and picked up every piece of garbage that we could find.


1950 1951 1952 1953 1954