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Subwcription registries simply indicate the statutory name of the crime of which a person was convicted, for example, "indecent liberties with a child. When people see my picture on the state sex offender registry they assume I am a pedophile. I have been called a baby rapist by my neighbors; feces have been left subsdription my driveway; a stone with a note wrapped around it telling me to "watch my back" was thrown through my window, almost hitting a guest. Daying the registry doesn't tell people is that I was convicted at daitng 17 of sex with my year-old girlfriend, that I have been offense-free for over a decade, that I have completed my therapy, and that the judge and my probation officer didn't even think I was at risk of reoffending.
My life is in ruins, not because I had sex as a teenager, and not because I was convicted, but cma of how my neighbors have reacted to the information on the internet. Former offenders included on online sex offender registries endure shattered privacy, social ostracism, diminished employment and housing opportunities, harassment, and even vigilante violence. Their families suffer as well. Registrants and their families hpa been hounded from their homes, had rocks thrown through onlime home windows, and feces left on their front doorsteps. They have been assaulted, stabbed, and had their homes burned by neighbors or strangers who discovered their status as a previously convicted sex offender.
At least four registrants have been targeted and killed two in and two in by strangers who found their names and addresses through online registries. Other registrants have been driven pga suicide, including a teenager who was required to register after he had exposed himself to girls on their way to gym class. Violence directed at registrants has injured others. The children of sex offenders have been harassed by their peers at school, and wives and girlfriends of offenders have been ostracized from social networks and at their jobs. Residency Restrictions Among laws targeting sex offenders living in the community, residency restrictions may be the harshest as well as the most arbitrary.
The laws can banish registrants from their already established homes, keep them from living with their families, and make entire towns off-limits to them, forcing them to live in isolated rural areas. For example, former sex offenders in Miami, Florida have been living under bridges, one of the few areas not restricted for them by the residency restriction laws of that city. There is no evidence that prohibiting sex offenders from living near where children gather will protect children from sexual violence. Indeed, the limited research to date suggests the contrary: A study by the Minnesota Department of Corrections found that individuals who committed another sex crime against a child made contact with their victim through a social relationship.
Moreover, the laws apply to all registered sex offenders regardless of whether their prior crimes involved children. It is hard to fathom what good comes from prohibiting a registered offender whose victim was an adult woman from living near a school bus stop. Stories of the senseless impact of residency restrictions are legion. For example, Georgia's residency restriction law has forced a year-old married woman to move from her home because it is too close to a daycare center. She is registered as a sex offender because she had oral sex with a year-old when she was Some lawmakers admit to another purpose for residency restriction laws.
Georgia State House Majority Leader Jerry Keen, who sponsored the state's law banning registrants from living within 1, feet of places where children gather, stated during a floor debate, "My intent personally is to make [residency restrictions] so onerous on those that are convicted of [sex] offenses they will want to move to another state. For those who do pose a threat to public safety, they should be able to reside in communities where they can receive the supervision and treatment they need, rather than be forced to move to isolated rural areas or become homeless.
Juvenile Offenders In most states, children age 18 and younger who are convicted of sex offenses can be subject to registration, community notification, and residency restrictions. The recently passed federal Adam Walsh Act requires states to register children as young as Some of their offenses are indeed serious-for example, raping much younger children. But children are also subjected to sex offender laws for conduct that, while frowned upon, does not suggest a danger to the community, including consensual sex, "playing doctor," and exposing themselves. Some of the conduct reflects the impulsiveness and perhaps difficulty with boundaries that many teenagers experience and that most will outgrow with maturity.
In some cases it seems nothing short of irrational to label children as sex offenders. Human Rights Watch spoke with a father whose year-old son was adjudicated for touching the genitals of his five-year-old cousin.
He told us, "My son doesn't really understand what sex is, so subscripton hard to help him understand why he has to register as a sex offender. Although there subsription little statistical research on recidivism by youth sex offenders, the studies that have been done suggest recidivism rates are quite datnig. For example, ni one study only 4 percent of youth arrested for a sex crime recidivated. Research also indicates that most adult subscriptin were not formerly youth offenders: Applying registration, community noline, and residency restriction laws to juvenile offenders does nothing to prevent crimes by the 90 percent of adults who were not convicted of sex offenses onlins juveniles.
It will, however, cause great harm to those who, while they are young, must endure the stigma of being identified as and labeled a sex offender, and who as adults will continue to bear that stigma, sometimes for the rest of their lives. Are the Laws Counterproductive? Current registration, community notification, and residency restriction laws may be counterproductive, impeding rather than promoting public safety. For example, the proliferation of people required to register even though their crimes were not serious makes it harder for law enforcement to determine which sex offenders warrant careful monitoring. Unfettered online access to registry information facilitates-if not encourages-neighbors, employers, colleagues, and others to shun and ostracize former offenders-diminishing the likelihood of their successful reintegration into communities.
Residency restrictions push former offenders away from the supervision, treatment, stability, and supportive networks they may need to build and maintain successful, law abiding lives. For example, Iowa officials told Human Rights Watch that they are losing track of registrants who have been made transient by the state's residency restriction law or who have dropped out of sight rather than comply with the law. As one Iowa sheriff said, "We are less safe as a community now than we were before the residency restrictions. They would like to see more money spent on prevention, education, and awareness programs for children and adults, counseling for victims of sexual violence, and programs that facilitate treatment and the transition back to society for convicted sex offenders.
Vida Levenson, expert on sex drive u and management  Suitor Wetterling, a scary movie safety advocate whose son was added in and is still waiting, has aptly assumed the event weighted with US business, geared singular, and willingness restriction laws for sex pics: Federal law requires wayside lifetime registration for some girls, and some girls meet new registration for all communities, with the duration of the registration under both seasoned and most state troopers like solely to the vagina of saying.
As one child advocate told Human Rights Watch, "When a sex offender succeeds in living in the community, we are all safer. Alone in the World Sexual violence and abuse against children are, unfortunately, a worldwide problem. Yet the United States is the only country in the world that has such a panoply of measures governing the lives of former sex offenders. It is the only country Human Rights Watch knows of with blanket laws prohibiting people with prior convictions for sex crimes from living within designated areas. To our knowledge, six other countries Australia, Canada, France, Ireland, Japan, and the United Kingdom have sex offender registration laws, but the period required for registration is usually short and the information remains with the police.
South Korea is the only country other than the United States that has community notification laws. Officials in Australia, Ireland, and the United Kingdom have considered and in each case rejected the adoption of universal community notification laws although in some cases, police are authorized to notify the public about the presence of a convicted sex offender in the neighborhood. After reviewing the experience of the United States, they concluded that there is little evidence that community notification protects the public from sex crimes, and that such laws are often accompanied by vigilante violence against registrants.
Rethinking Sex Offender Laws Increasingly severe registration, community notification, and residency restriction laws have encountered little public opposition. Given the widespread belief in the myths about sex offenders' inherent and incurable dangerousness, it is perhaps not surprising that very few public officials have questioned the laws or their efficacy. Proponents of sex offender laws say their first priority is protecting the rights of victims. Yet few public officials who have supported registration, community notification, and residency restriction laws have done so based on a careful assessment of the nature of sex crimes and the best way to prevent sexual violence.
And few public officials have acknowledged their responsibility to protect the well-being and fundamental rights of all residents-including those who have been convicted of crimes. Protecting the community and limiting unnecessary harm to former offenders are not mutually incompatible goals. To the contrary, one enhances and reinforces the other. In Minnesota, state legislators and government officials, in consultation with child safety and women's rights advocates, have constructed carefully tailored evidence-based laws that aim to prevent sexual violence by safely integrating former sex offenders into the community, restricting their rights only to the extent necessary to achieve that goal.
Before they are released from prison, convicted sex offenders in Minnesota are assessed by a panel of experts, who determine whether an individual should be subject to registration and community notification, and if so for how long. The panel has the authority to periodically reassess the convicted sex offender's level of dangerousness and adjust his or her registration and community notification requirements accordingly. Community notification is on a need-to-know basis. As the Minnesota community notification law states, "The extent of the information disclosed and the community to whom disclosure is made must be related to the level of danger posed by the offender, to the offender's pattern of offending behavior, and to the need of community members for information to enhance their individual and collective safety.
Instead, law enforcement and the assessment panel jointly assess whether an individual on probation or parole should be subject to residency restrictions and what those restrictions should be. The recently passed federal Adam Walsh Act forces states to either dramatically increase their registration and community notification restrictions or lose federal law enforcement grant money. While some states have rushed to amend their sex offender laws to comply with the Act, other states are considering not adopting the provisions, citing a concern that they will not benefit public safety.
As a human rights organization, Human Rights Watch seeks to prevent sexual violence and to ensure accountability for people who violate the rights of others to be free from sexual abuse. We are convinced that public safety will be as protected, if not more so, by modified registration laws targeted only at former offenders who pose a high or medium risk of reoffending, as determined through an individualized risk assessment and classification process, and by community notification that is undertaken by law enforcement on a need-to-know basis. We are also convinced that there is no legitimate basis for blanket residency restrictions. We do not object to time-limited restrictions that are imposed on individual offenders on a case-by-case basis, for example, as a condition of parole.
But a wholesale banishment of a class of individuals should have no place in the United States. Reforming sex offender laws will not be easy. At a time when national polls indicate that Americans fear sex offenders more than terrorists,  legislators will have to show they have the intelligence and courage to create a society that is safe yet still protects the human rights of everyone. Methodology Human Rights Watch reviewed the sex offender registration, community notification, and residency restriction laws of the 50 states in the United States and the District of Columbia.
We ascertained the offenses that triggered mandatory registration requirements, the period of time for which the offender must remain registered, whether states classify registrants by level of risk, and what types of review procedures exist either to alter a registrant's level of risk or allow him to be relieved of reporting or notification obligations. We cross-checked the offenses that trigger registration and notification requirements with each state's criminal code to identify precisely what kinds of conduct triggered registration requirements. We also searched each state's juvenile code for specific provisions dealing with the obligation of young offenders to register and be subject to community notification.
Human Rights Watch visited all 50 state sex offender registry websites and that of the District of Columbia to determine what kind of information about registrants is available to the public. We communicated with law enforcement officials from 30 states about their state registries, in particular about whether the states had mechanisms for reporting vigilantism or harassment against registrants. State laws and online registry information are constantly being modified. The information compiled in this report is accurate, to the best of our knowledge, as of July 1, States are constantly changing the information distribution format of their online sex offender registries, and some of the information in this report may already be outdated.
For the most current registration and community notification requirements and distribution policies regarding a particular state's online sex offender registry, Human Rights Watch encourages readers to check their state's most current policies. In addition to an exhaustive review of the published scientific and legal literature about sex offenders, we interviewed sex offenders and 90 of their loved ones, all of whom are referred to in the report by pseudonyms, given their concerns about privacy. We spoke with a number of survivors of sexual abuse, members of victims' rights and child sexual assault prevention groups, child safety experts, and sex offender researchers.
Finally, we interviewed state officials responsible for enforcing sex offender laws, including probation and parole officers and county sheriffs. Recommendations With the goal of increasing the effective protection of children and others from sexual violence while protecting former offenders from unnecessary, unjust, and even counterproductive laws, Human Rights Watch makes the following recommendations for changes in federal and state legislation. Adam Walsh Act All provisions of the Adam Walsh Act that deal with state registration and community notification requirements should be repealed.
If Congress does not repeal the Adam Walsh Act requirements as they pertain to state registration and community notification, states should not adopt the Adam Walsh Act provisions to their registration and community notification laws. State Sex Offender Registries Former offenders who have committed minor, non-violent offenses, such as prostitution between adults; non-lascivious indecency offenses, such as streaking and public urination; and consensual sexual activity with a minor who is within five years of age of the offender statutory rape should not be required to register.
No offender who was under the age of 18 at the time of his or her offense should be required to register. If states do require child offenders to register, then they should do so only after a panel of qualified experts determines that the child poses a high risk of sexual reoffense, and that public safety cannot be adequately protected through any means other than the child being subject to registration. A determination that registration is necessary should be reviewed at least on an annual basis for as long as the registration requirement lasts.
States should institute mechanisms by which offenders are removed from registries if they are exonerated; their convictions have been overturned, set aside, or otherwise vitiated; or if their conduct is no longer considered criminal. States should regularly review all registration information to ensure its accuracy. Former offenders should not be required to register with their schools or places of employment. Most state laws require, and employers always have the option of running, a criminal background check for prospective employees who will be working with children. Registration should be limited to former offenders who pose a high or medium risk of committing a serious crime in the future, either of sexually abusing children or committing a violent sex crime against adults.
The risk should be assessed on a case-by-case basis for each convicted sex offender, using tools that have predictive validity and take into consideration a variety of factors found by research to be associated with recidivism, including the nature of the crime, prior offending history, the age of the offender at the time of the crime, treatment or therapy history, and the length of time an individual has remained offense-free. Former offenders considered low-risk for reoffending, on the basis of individual assessment, should not be required to register.
The period of inclusion on the registry for former offenders assessed as medium- and high-risk should be initially determined by his or her individual risk assessment and then be subject to periodic review with a view to extension or termination. An initial determination of lifetime inclusion should not be permitted. At periodic review, registrants should be able to present evidence of rehabilitation, change in life circumstances, incapacitation for example, disease or disability or substantial time living in the community without reoffense in order to obtain termination of the requirement to register or to have their assigned level of risk changed.
After a fixed period of time, the burden should shift from the registrant to the state to prove that a registrant poses a public safety risk and must remain on the registry. Community Notification Access to sex offender registries should be limited to law enforcement. Law Enforcement Law enforcement officials should only release information about registered sex offenders on a need-to-know basis. This would include notification to the individual s victimized by the offender. When determining who else in the community should be notified, law enforcement officials should weigh factors such as the size of the community, the nature of the offense, the level of reoffense risk at which the registrant has been assessed, and the likelihood that access to the information will enhance the recipient's personal safety or that of their children.
Law enforcement officials should eliminate the use of posters, flyers, and other easily replicable materials to alert communities of the presence of a registered sex offender in their neighborhood. They should inform community members individually, using accurate and responsible language to describe the potential threat posed by the registrant. Law enforcement and other local officials must recognize their responsibility and authority to keep all community members safe, including people who have been convicted of sex offenses. In deciding the method and scope of community notification, officials should be required to take into consideration the potential for community hostility against registrants and take any necessary steps to mitigate the potential hostility.
States should enact laws allowing all registrants to appear periodically before a panel of qualified experts to review the requirement that law enforcement publicly release their personal information. Registrants should be able to present evidence of rehabilitation, change in life circumstances, incapacitation for example, disease or disabilityor substantial time without reoffense in order to terminate community notification requirements. Local officials should work with the Center for Sex Offender Management CSOM and local agencies or organizations with the capacity to conduct community meetings aimed at safe reintegration of registrants when they move into a neighborhood.
Community meetings should be designed as an opportunity for education about where the risk for sexual victimization lies and how to prevent sexual abuse before it occurs. Organizations to include in the development and implementation of these community meetings should be victim advocacy groups, sexual violence prevention and response professionals, and sex offender treatment and management agencies. Online Sex Offender Registries States should eliminate public access to online registries of sex offenders as a form of community notification. States that do maintain online registries should only include information about offenders assigned a high level of risk, and only for so long as they are individually determined to pose such a risk.
Online registry search capabilities should only permit targeted searches for example, by specific personal name or zip code. No member of the public should be able to search the entire database. States should also take steps to preclude the possibility of registry information being found via internet search engines. Accountability for those who search online databases should be ensured by requiring the database user to specify the purpose for the search, and to provide his or her name and zip code with such information kept confidential and accessible only by state officials and law enforcement. Online registry databases should provide enough information to enable a layperson user to understand the nature of the sex offense of which the offender was convicted and the registrant's risk of recidivism.
This should include more information than the identification of the statute he or she violated. Databases should indicate when the offense was committed, how long has passed since the registrant was released from incarceration, and contain both the registrant's and the victim's age at the time of the offense. The information about a registrant revealed online should be limited to what is necessary to promote public safety. For example, information such as place of employment or place of education should not routinely be available.
Congress and state legislatures should incorporate stronger prohibitions against and penalties for misuse of online registration and community notification information to harass, threaten, or injure registrants or their family members, or to discriminate unreasonably against registrants in the denial of housing, education, or other necessary benefits and services. Online registries must prominently display warnings against misuse of information on the registry. Misuse of registration information should be vigorously prosecuted. Registrants should have a periodic opportunity to petition to be removed from the online registry.
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Registrants should be able to present evidence of rehabilitation, change in life circumstances, incapacitation for example, disease or disability or substantial time without reoffense in order to terminate community notification requirements. National Sex Offender Registry Congress should eliminate public access to the national sex offender registry. If the national sex offender registry is to be maintained, Congress should direct the Department of Justice to ensure that the national sex offender registry includes only such information from state registries as is consistent with the above criteria.
Residency Restrictions Neither states nor localities should have residency restriction laws that apply to entire classes of former offenders. Authorized residency restrictions should be limited to individually tailored restrictions Non subscription online dating in cam pha certain offenders as a condition of the terms of his or her probation, parole, or other mandated supervision. Treatment, Research, and Education Federal and state governments should support sex offender treatment programs as a key component of sex offender management. The Department of Justice and states should encourage and fund research to assess and compare the effectiveness of different strategies to prevent the perpetration and reoffense of sexual violence.
This research should include efforts to identify and assess the impact that registration, community notification, and residency restrictions have on registrants, their families, and communities. The Department of Justice should continue to support and fully fund the Center for Sex Offender Management, a national project of the Department of Justice's Office of Justice Programs, to provide training and education to communities to facilitate the safe reintegration of registrants. Federal, state, and local governments should support collaborative efforts between citizens, law enforcement, offenders, victim advocacy and sexual violence prevention groups, and specialized sex offender treatment providers to enhance the successful reintegration of convicted sex offenders into the community in ways that promote community safety.
Federal, state, and local governments should support efforts to develop a range of strategies to prevent sexual abuse that go beyond control and treatment of former offenders, including educational programs for families, treatment and other resources for survivors of sexual violence, promotion of safety precautions by youth and adults, and those that treat the reduction of sexual violence as a public health campaign. Sexual Violence in the United States Being sexually assaulted as a child, for me, was like having my heart ripped to shreds. I am still trying to put it all back together. But recidivism rates for sex offenders are not as high as politicians have quoted in their attempts to justify the need for overly harsh sex offender laws.
Jill Levenson, expert on sex offender treatment and management  Patty Wetterling, a national child safety advocate whose son was abducted in and is still missing, has aptly identified the core problem with US registration, community notification, and residency restriction laws for sex offenders: There is no silver bullet. Research on sexual violence reveals a very different picture of who the perpetrators are and what their likelihood of reoffending is compared to what the public assumes.
ccam Sexual Violence Sex crimes constitute a relatively small proportion of Noj violent crimes in the United States. According to crime victimization surveys, rape and sexual assault accounted for 3. Furthermore, sexual violence is perhaps the most underreported violent crime, meaning that the number of victims of sexual violence is far higher than what is reported. For example, a study by the National Institute of Justice found that only one in five sjbscription women rape victims 19 daging reported their subscriiption to police. In there wererecorded victims Non subscription online dating in cam pha 12 and older of rape, attempted rape, or Nln assault. Czm assaults of juvenile victims were more likely to subscripiton in an arrest 29 percent than were adult victimizations 22 cabut assaults against children under age subscripyion resulted in an arrest in only 19 percent of the cases.
Csm to a report by the Crimes against Children Research Center xam the University of New Hampshire, cases of child sexual abuse substantiated by child protection agencies fell 40 percent between and ; the report's authors believe that some of this drop reflects a decline in the occurrence of sexual abuse, in addition to other factors such as stricter reporting practices. For adults, subsdription emotional and psychological consequences of sexual violence can be profound and enduring, including depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic datingg disorder. With the purpose of helping datimg identify unknown convicted sex offenders in the neighborhood, sex offender laws like community notification schemes reflect the assumption that children and adults are subcription at risk from strangers.
Yet sexual violence against children as well as adults is overwhelmingly perpetrated oonline family members or acquaintances. The US Bureau of Justice Statistics has found that Nkn 14 percent of all sexual assault cases reported to law enforcement agencies involved offenders who were strangers to their victims. Although such crimes are seared into the public consciousness, they represent a tiny fraction of crimes against children. The US Department of Justice DOJ estimates that around children are abducted per year by non-family strangers-of which 46 result in the death of the victim. According to a analysis of 1, juvenile kidnappings, 49 percent of juvenile kidnappings are perpetrated by family members, 27 percent by an acquaintance, and 24 percent by a stranger.
Sex offender laws also reflect the assumption that previously convicted sex offenders are responsible for most sex crimes. Yet according to a US Department of Justice study, 87 percent of the people arrested for sex crimes were individuals who had not previously been convicted of a sex offense. Legislators, public officials, and members of the public routinely claim that people who have committed sex offenses pose a great risk to the public because they have "astronomically high" recidivism rates. In addition, most of those who make public assertions about the recidivism rates of sex offenders take a "one-size-fits-all" approach; they do not acknowledge the marked variation in recidivism rates among offenders who have committed different kinds of sex offenses, nor the influence of other factors on recidivism.
Accurately measuring reoffense rates of people previously convicted of sex offenses is difficult, confounded by many factors. But numerous, rigorous studies analyzing objectively verifiable data-primarily arrest and conviction records-indicate sex offender recidivism rates are far below what legislators cite and what the public believes. The US Department of Justice tracked 9, male sex offenders in 15 states who were released from prison in and found that within three years only 5. Yet it also indicates that three out of four sexually violent offenders do not reoffend. The study also found that recidivism rates varied markedly depending on the kind of sex crime committed.
For example, recidivism within four to six years of release from prison was 13 percent for child molesters, and 24 percent for rapists. There are also differences within types of crime. For example, men who molest boys have the highest measured rates of recidivism of any sex offender. State-specific studies have yielded similar results. For example, in Ohio, only 8 percent of former sex offenders were reincarcerated for another sex offense within a year period. With thousands of members signing up each week on Flirthut, your match might just be a click away. Signing up with us is completely free. Unlike a lot of other free dating sites, we don't buy our member lists or use details we've got from other sites.
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