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In the s and s a veritable army of reform movements sprang into existence, Frre causes ranging from dafing, abolition, and peace, to spiritualism eating good health. Behind the reform impulse lay a religious revolution—the evangelical revivals known as the Second Great Awakening. Preachers like the evangelist Charles G. Finney held great revivals in New England, upstate New York, and some of the Free casual dating in wendell ma 1379 fating, emphasizing the xasual that men were qendell moral agents, with the power to choose between good and evil.
In contrast to traditional predestinarian Calvinism, evil was not seen as the product of conscious choice, not innate depravity. The weendell emphasized both the ability of men to 179 themselves by an act of will, and casaul necessity on the part of the daating to attack the sins of others. The key doctrine of the reformers influenced by the revivals was perfectionism, the belief that both man and society could indeed be made free from sin. Here was a utopian vision which not only inspired the creation of new reform movements, but led to the transformation of old ones. From attempts to mitigate evils which could never be wholly eliminated from human life, reforms now became efforts to cleanse the world of sin entirely.
Wendepl, antislavery became immediate abolitionism, temperance became i abstinence, the movement against war became pacifism and nonresistance. Perhaps the tension was inherent in the Protestant heritage itself, which stressed both the integrity un the casuzl, and the need for order and m in a society in which Datng Similarly, the various benevolent societies of the s ni s—the Home Missionary Society, American Bible Society, etc. Paul Johnson, in his studies of the revivals in Rochester, sees revivalism and reform as serving the interests of the emerging manufacturing elite. According to Johnson, the revivalists' emphasis on self-discipline, temperance, and hard work reinforced the demands of the new industrial order, and helped manufacturers assert their control over a recalcitrant work force.
The evangelical drive for moral order, in this view, coincided with the need for punctuality, sobriety, and obedience in the mills and workshops. Moreover, evangelicalism possessed a second aspect: Some reformers came to challenge all existing institutions as illegitimate exercises of authority over the free will of the individual, and as interferences with his direct relationship with God. At the same time, however, as David Rothman has shown, many reformers engaged in the building of new institutions in the hope of remaking the human character. If the poor, the criminal, the insane, were removed from their accustomed environments and placed in a controlled setting, they could be instilled with the virtues of self-discipline and good order, and eventually become productive members of society.
As Rothman observes, these new institutions quickly lost their reforming zeal and became places of incarceration for the poor, a transformation which helps explain the intense hostility of the lower classes especially Irish immigrants toward them and the reformers who created them. But this does not mitigate his point that, at the outset, these reformers embodied a truly radical vision—that human personality could be remade. Traditionally viewed as a step in the progress of American democracy, the rise of the common school has recently been subjected to critiques by Michael Katz, and Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis.
The purpose of public education is to create an orderly, deferential, and disciplined population, who can become an obedient work force upon graduation. Rather than reflecting the views of one class, the schools were a battleground, pitting professional educators and proponents of centralization against immigrants and workingmen. Universal public education was a demand of the labor movement as well as manufacturers, although as Katz shows in his study of Beverley, Massachusetts, workingmen were often disillusioned with the schools when free public education did not seem to produce the economic equality which had been expected of it.
The history of American women has, in a sense, only begun to be written, but it appears that the early nineteenth century was a period of declining status for women, the majority of the population. Increasingly, society's image of women came to center around the home. At the same time, as work moved from the household to the workshop and factory, the productive function of women in the home became increasingly unimportant. Some women followed spinning and weaving out of the household and became the nation's first factory labor force. Others, especially in the middle class, found themselves with fewer and fewer responsibilities and opportunities in the home.
The early feminist movement had roots dating back at least as far as the Age of Revolution, which had produced, in Mary Wollstonecraft, the first great ideologue of women's rights. In the s and s, the Owenites had demanded greater rights for women and Frances Wright, the Scottish-born follower of Robert Owen, had become notorious by delivering public lectures demanding not only legal equality for women, but the right to birth control and divorce as well. The Owen-Wright brand of feminism was the child of Enlightenment rationalism and its heritage of natural rights.
It was thus somewhat different from another expression of early feminism, which stemmed from the great revivals. At first, the revivals stimulated the formation of women's reform societies which did not challenge the conception of women as the guardian of Edition: Moreover, increasing numbers of women participated in the crusade against slavery. From their experiences in abolitionism, some came to challenge the status of women as well as blacks. Daughters of a prominent South Carolina family, they became, in the s, Quakers and advocates of emancipation. The controversy aroused by their activities not only helped split the abolitionist movement but inspired those, like Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B.
Anthony, who organized the Seneca Falls convention of where women's suffrage was first demanded. It demanded access for women to the political realm as well as to all branches of employment. On the other hand, William O'Neill has suggested that the early feminists gradually receded from a critique of the nuclear family and sexual discrimination within the home, issues which had been raised by Frances Wright but were considered too controversial by later feminists. A related question is the class basis of the feminist constituency. Gerda Lerner argues that the early women's rights movement was resolutely middle-class, and had little to offer the growing class of female factory workers.
A Steaming of an Interpretation. The legendary philosophers of fun though obese from Paineite republicanism—a gen in sexy rights and heavy duty, the maiden of bushel into producers and nonproducers, and Surf:.
These women also organized themselves in the s and s, but along lines of class, not gender. The female workers of Lowell, Massachusetts, cssual a series of strikes in these years against the deterioration of working conditions and wages, but they tended to look to the male labor movement for allies, rather than the early feminists, and did not view the ballot as a panacea for their problems. But it was not free from the conflicting tendencies of the reform impulse in general, or from the problems of class constituency reflected in the women's rights movement. Sentiment against slavery was hardly new in the s. Wendekl could be traced back to Ffee American Revolution and iin.
But prior to this decade, the prevailing expression of antislavery was the American Colonization Society, which proposed the gradual elimination of the South's peculiar institution and the deportation 1397 the freedmen to Africa. This policy was resisted by most leaders of the free black community, although a few, like the early black nationalist Paul Cuffe, daying attempt to promote voluntary emigration to Africa. Drawing on the idea of perfectionism, abolitionists abandoned the earlier gradualist approach and demanded immediate emancipation.
Essentially, as Gilbert Barnes noted many years ago, immediatism was a call for datng by the slaveholder for the sin of slavery. Instead of a complex institution embedded in a web of social institutions, slavery came to be viewed essentially as datign moral and religious question. Casuak lay the radicalism of the immediatist approach: Slavery was an exercise of authority forbidden by God; the central wrong was the black's loss of the right of self-ownership, the transformation of a human being into a thing. Many, in addition, condemned existing institutions for their complicity in the existence of slavery.
What Stanley Elkins calls the anti-institutionalism of abolitionists was, in part, a conviction that slavery was so deeply embedded in American life, that its abolition would require fundamental changes in other institutions as well. What set Garrison apart from previous opponents of slavery were his hostility to the idea of colonization, the doctrine of immediatism, the harsh, invective language he employed to condemn slavery and slaveholders, and his insistence that the rights of free blacks in the North must form a central part of abolitionist doctrine. It was this last concern which won him immense support among the northern free black community.
In its early years, a majority of the readers of The Liberator were free blacks, and many helped raise funds for the journal. Abolition was the first integrated radical movement in Edition: If Garrison was its propagandist, the man who helped mobilize its constituency was Theodore Weld. A brilliant orator in his own right, Weld organized a group of speakers who disseminated abolitionist doctrines throughout the free states. Often, the initial response to their efforts was violent hostility. The mids witnessed a series of anti-abolitionist riots, culminating in the murder of abolitionist editor Elijah P.
Lovejoy, who died defending his press in Alton, Illinois. The effect of the riots was that a large group of northerners, who may not have agreed with immediate abolitionism, came to sympathize with the movement and defend its right to freedom of speech. The movement had not, of course, accomplished its goal of emancipating the slaves. Indeed, in response to the abolitionist assault, the South at the same time suppressed internal dissent and developed the proslavery argument in its most advanced form. What the abolitionists did achieve was the destruction of the conspiracy of silence which had prevented serious debate on the slavery issue.
The abolitionist legacy to the radical tradition was their mastery of the techniques of agitation in a democratic society. They understood that the reformer who stands outside the political realm and directs his efforts toward influencing public opinion, can have as great an impact on policy as the most powerful statesman. Nonetheless, relations between the labor and abolitionist movements remained unfriendly throughout the s. There is a certain truth in this; after all, the Tappan brothers, wealthy New York merchants who helped finance the movement, were themselves representatives of the very class which was transforming labor relations to the detriment of the workingmen.
Yet the abolitionists were not apologists for their society. They often criticized the spirit of competition and greed so visible in northern life, as the very antithesis of Christian brotherhood. Yet they did tend, in contrast to the labor movement, to accept the economic relations of the free states as fundamentally just. If the labor movement articulated an older ideal of freedom, stretching back to the republican tradition of the Revolution in which freedom was equated with ownership of productive property the abolitionists expressed a newer definition.
Freedom for them meant self-ownership; that is, simply not being a slave. It was this individualist conception of personal freedom which not only cut abolitionists off from the labor movement, but, as Gilbert Osofsky argues, rendered them unable to make a meaningful response to the economic condition of Irish immigrants, despite a principled effort to overcome nativism and reach out for Irish support in the s.
Most prominent was Nathaniel P. Rogers, the New Hampshire editor who proposed a grand alliance of the producing classes North and South, free and slave, against all exploiters of labor. By isolating slavery as an unacceptable form of labor exploitation, abolition implicitly, though usually unconsciously, diverted attention from the exploitation of labor occurring in the emerging factory system. Had it not been for the dominance of the slavery question in the s and s, Dawley suggests, an independent labor party might have emerged in American Edition: Wallace sees the antislavery movement as an evangelical crusade adopted by both factory owners and their employees.
This united them in accepting the ideal of a Christian, industrial republic based on free labor, in which the interests of labor and capital would be brought into harmony. During the s and s, increasing numbers of workingmen were drawn into antislavery circles, by the variant known as free soilism. The trend toward reconciling the two movements reflected the increasing prominence of the land issue in the s. For labor leaders like Evans, as we have seen, a homestead policy was a way of solving the problems posed by the increasing stratification of wealth in eastern cities.
The renewed emphasis on land also reflected, as David Montgomery and Bruce Laurie argue, a turn in the labor movement away from the cooperative effort of the s, toward more individualist solutions. Self-help and a nativist tendency to blame immigration for the problems of the crafts shattered the multi-ethnic labor solidarity of the s, according to Montgomery. For him, land reform was part and parcel of a broad program of state-sponsored economic growth, including tariffs, internal improvements, and regulation of currency. Julian, the Indiana congressman who became a staunch free soiler and land reformer, reflected, by way of contrast, the vitality of the Jeffersonian tradition.
For Julian, the proper role of government was to curb monopoly and speculation, rather than undertaking economic or social planning. His land reform commitment rested heavily on the idea that the only valid title to property was labor.
Thus, he opposed not only plantation slavery, but land aendell. His biographer, Patrick Riddleberger, insists Edition: Later, during the Civil War and Reconstruction, land reform became his wednell concern. Dxting denounced the casuual of large government land grants to railroads and the engrossment of the public aendell by ewndell, as subverting the policy inaugurated in the Wende,l Act of They opposed monopoly and land speculation and sought to protect the public domain from railroads, speculators, bounties to veterans, and grants to agricultural colleges. Moreover, with a small group daitng other radical Republicans, Julian endeavored to extend the principle kn land reform to the postwar South.
The Republicans, in effect, sought to solve the ideological debate over slave and free labor by returning xasual the classic Madisonian answer of expansion as the key to preserving personal freedom and republican government. Thus, the Republicans did, as Dawley argues, locate the threat to republican equality outside northern datingg. Yet at the same datijg, in their homestead policy and in their refusal to countenance a permanent wage-earning class, they also represented at least a partial culmination of the radical tradition. The Republicans' concept of a Free casual dating in wendell ma 1379 based on 139 labor exalted the values of personal liberty with independence, and the demand for equality of opportunity for caual in a competitive social order.
Twilight of Radical Individualism The Civil War represents in part the greatest triumph, in part the death-knell, of the antebellum tradition of radical individualism. Yet it has also been ddating by William Appleman Williams and George Dennison, sating the Civil War separated Americans at last from their revolutionary heritage. It was not simply datingg the effort to coerce the South to remain in the Union was, as Williams argues, a betrayal of the ideal of self-determination, or the right of the people to determine their own form of government. Every argument utilized to support American independence in could be employed with equal effect in support of the southern cause in — Further, as Dennison insists, the war represented an end to the dream of America as a nation whose institutions rested on consent rather than force.
Dennison finds the antecedents of this transformation in the suppression of the Dorr War in Rhode Island in the early s. This set a precedent which, he believes, cast traditional ideas of popular sovereignty and the right of revolution into disrepute, and created the justification for the use of force to put down challenges to civil authority. Order and stability, he claims, had become as important to Americans as liberty itself. Here, too, there was an antebellum precedent. The response of abolitionists to John Brown's raid intheir endorsement of his attack on Harper's Ferry, symbolized the waning of the old pacifist, nonresistance strain of antislavery thought, and a willingness to adopt violence as a legitimate means of combatting slavery.
A few reformers, such as Adin Ballou, architect of the Hopedale community in Massachusetts, remained true to their nonresistance principles during the war and refused to join in the patriotic fervor. Some of the members of Josiah Warren's Modern Times community left the country rather than participate in the war effort. But for the most part, the war appeared as the culmination of the reformers' efforts and it promoted, as Fredrickson argues, a tendency to view government, rather than voluntary associations or individual effort, as the source of future reforms. Thus, institutionalism replaced anti-institutionalism, nationalism succeeded individualism for many reformers. In addition, abolitionists found themselves in the anomalous position of defending the Lincoln administration's suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, jailing of newspaper editors, and use of troops to break strikes, all in the name of the war effort.
The war stimulated, too, the Edition: Such bonanzas were often promoted by the government itself, through aid to railroads, a high tariff, the issuance of lucrative bonds, and other wartime economic measures. The Republican party itself was transformed in the process. For during the s, that party had contained a strong element derived from the Locofoco wing of the Democratic party, namely, Jacksonians hostile to the use of the state to grant economic favors and promote economic growth. Many of these Jacksonian Republicans would return to the Democratic party after the war.
Julian and other radical individualists were disillusioned both by the expansion of federal power and by the Republicans' adoption of the old Whig economic program of state intervention with its special privileges, tariffs, and paper money inflation. Individualism and Nationalism in American Ideology. Harvard University Press, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution. A Critique of an Interpretation. Cornell University Press, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, University of Pennsylvania Press, Social Theories of Jacksonian Democracy. The Liberal Arts Press, British Chartists in America, — Bowles, Samuel and Gintis, Herbert.
Schooling in Capitalist America. Radical Pacifism in Antebellum America. Princeton University Press, Ideology in American Politics — University of Illinois Press, The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution. The Industrial Revolution in Lynn. Republicanism on Trial, — University of Kentucky Press, Connecticut College Monograph No.